Case Law (SC) – The Tribunal Reforms Act, 2021 is a replica of the struck down Ordinance; old wine in a new bottle, the wine whets not the judicial palette, but the bottle merely dazzle. The repeated reenactment of the same provisions, which have been struck down by the judiciary, shows that the “form of the administration” is being made “inconsistent” with the spirit of the Constitution.
Madras Bar Association v. Union Of India and Another [2025 INSC 1330] dated 19.11.2025.
ISSUE BEFORE COURT ARE:
-
i. Whether Parliament possesses the authority to
disregard a judicial pronouncement and to enact a statute in any manner it
deems appropriate?
ii.
Can the Court compel Parliament to legislate in
a particular manner?
iii. Can the constitutionality of legislation be
tested on the touchstone of what the Union describes as “abstract principles,”
such as separation of powers or judicial independence?
iv. Constitutional validity of the Tribunal
Reforms Act, 2021?
DECISION: -
“First issue:
117. Parliament, like every
other institution under our constitutional scheme, must operate within the
bounds of the Constitution. Its discretion is broad but not absolute. It must respect
the principles of separation of powers, the guarantees of fundamental rights,
and the structural values (such as judicial independence) that are part of the
basic framework of our constitutional order.
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120. Therefore, we do not find
merit in the argument of the learned Attorney General that Parliament has
discretion to ignore the decisions of this Court.
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Second issue:
123. Thus, a clear distinction
must be maintained between directing legislation and reviewing legislation. The
former is forbidden, because the Court cannot function as a law-maker. The
latter is indispensable to preserving the supremacy of the Constitution. Where
the Court identifies constitutional infirmities and issues mandatory directions
to ensure compliance with constitutional principles, such as those concerning
the independence, composition, or tenure of adjudicatory bodies, those
directions are binding. Parliament may respond by removing the basis of the
judgment through curative legislation, but it cannot simply enact a statute
that reproduces or perpetuates the very defects the Court has critiqued. Thus,
while the judiciary cannot dictate policy, it can and must ensure that
legislative choices conform to the Constitution. Judicial restraint in
law-making does not imply judicial abdication in constitutional adjudication.
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Third
issue:
126. Legislative measures
concerning the structure, composition, and functioning of tribunals necessarily
implicate these constitutional principles because tribunals discharge judicial
functions and form part of the larger system of justice administration. When
Parliament designs or alters the tribunal system, it must do so in a manner
consistent with the constitutional requirements of independence, impartiality,
and effective adjudication. A law that undermines these foundational values,
such as by enabling executive control over appointments, curtailing tenure
arbitrarily, or weakening institutional autonomy, does not merely offend an
“abstract principle”. It strikes at the core of the constitutional arrangement.
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132. In the same way, the
norms laid down in the tribunal cases, regarding tenure, age limits, selection
processes, qualifications, and independence from executive control, are not
abstract judicial preferences. They are constitutional requirements distilled
from Articles 323-A and 323-B read with the doctrines of separation of powers,
independence of the judiciary, and the guarantee of equality under Article 14.
These principles therefore furnish the constitutional tests that any
legislation on tribunals must satisfy. Where Parliament re-enacts provisions
previously struck down without curing the underlying defect, the resulting
legislation remains vulnerable to invalidation, not because the Court is
imposing its own policy, but because the Constitution itself demands adherence
to these structural safeguards.
133. When the Court examines
the validity of a statutory provision governing tribunals, it does not issue
legislative directions in the strict sense. Instead, it tests the law against
these constitutionally entrenched standards. In doing so, the Court reinforces
the idea that the tribunal system derives its constitutional legitimacy from
adherence to the same principles that safeguard judicial independence and the
rule of law.
134. Seen in this light, the
Union’s argument does not stand. The validity of legislation may, and must, be
tested against structural principles such as separation of powers and judicial
independence when the legislation in question directly implicates the
constitutional design of the justice system. Judicial enforcement of these
principles is an essential feature of constitutional adjudication, not an
overreach.
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Fourth
issue:
139. Thus, it can be seen that
what the 2021 Ordinance did through amendments to Section 184 of the Finance
Act, 2017, the Impugned Act now does through Sections 3, 5, and 7. The minimum
age bar of fifty years for all appointments, the truncated four-year tenure
with upper age caps of 70/67, the requirement that the Search-cum-Selection
Committee forward a panel of two names for each vacancy, and the fixing of
allowances and benefits to those of equivalent civil servants are all
provisions, which have already been judicially tested and struck down. The
Court has expressly held that these measures are arbitrary, destructive of
judicial independence, and amount to an impermissible legislative override of
binding directions.
140. Merely shifting the same
content from the amended Section 184 of the Finance Act into Sections 3, 5 and
7 of a stand-alone statute, while using the non obstante formula
“notwithstanding anything contained in any judgment or order”, does not cure
the constitutional defects. It simply reenacts them in another avatar. The
Impugned Act, therefore, does not “cure” the law declared earlier, but
consciously defies it.
141. Equally, the learned
Attorney General’s present defence of the Impugned Act is a verbatim reprise of
arguments that have already been considered and rejected. In the earlier round,
the Union had contended that directions regarding age, tenure, HRA and the
recommendation of a single name were mere “suggestions”, that Parliament is
free to depart from them in exercise of its policy-making power, and that
judicial review must be confined to testing explicit textual violations of the
Constitution. The decision in MBA (V) rejected this argument on multiple
grounds. First, it held that the directions on composition, tenure and
conditions of service 127 were in the nature of mandamus flowing from
adjudication on separation of powers, independence of the judiciary and Article
14, and therefore constitute “law declared” under Article 141. Second, it held
that while the legislature may neutralise a judgment by curing the underlying
defect, it cannot simply re-enact the very provision or rule that was struck down
and declare the Court’s view to be non-binding. Such repetition was described
as an “impermissible legislative override” and an “indirect intrusion into the
judicial sphere”. Third, it emphasised that separation of powers and judicial
independence are justiciable constitutional principles, and that in matters
affecting the structure and functioning of adjudicatory bodies, the Court must
apply a searching standard of review and cannot defer to “policy” in the same
way as in economic or commercial regulation. The Impugned Act thus stands on
two identical, alreadyrejected premises: it reproduces the substance of
provisions invalidated in the earlier litigations without curing the defects,
and it rests on constitutional arguments that the Court has already expressly
disapproved.
142. Therefore, the provisions
of the Impugned Act cannot be sustained. They violate the constitutional
principles of separation of powers and judicial independence, which are firmly
embedded in the text, structure, and spirit of the Constitution. The Impugned
Act directly contradicts binding judicial pronouncements that have repeatedly
clarified the standards governing the appointment, tenure, and functioning of
tribunal members. Instead of curing the defects identified by this Court, the
Impugned Act merely reproduces, in slightly altered form, the very provisions
earlier struck down. This amounts to a legislative override in the strictest
sense: an attempt to nullify binding judicial directions without addressing the
underlying constitutional infirmities. Such an approach is impermissible under
our constitutional scheme. Because the Impugned Act fails to remove the defects
identified in prior judgments and instead reenacts them under a new label, it
falls afoul of the doctrine of constitutional supremacy. Accordingly, the
impugned provisions are struck down as unconstitutional.
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153. We grant the Union of
India a period of four months from the date of this judgment to establish a
National Tribunals Commission. The commission so constituted must adhere to the
principles articulated by this Court, particularly concerning independence from
executive control, professional expertise, transparent processes, and oversight
mechanisms that reinforce public confidence in the system.
154. We, further, clarify and
direct that the service conditions of all such Members of ITAT who were
appointed by orders dated 11th September 2021 and 1st October 2021 shall be
governed by the old Act and the old Rules.
155. We also clarify that all appointments of Members and Chairpersons whose selection or recommendation by the Search-cum-Selection Committee was completed before the commencement of the Tribunal Reforms Act, 2021, but whose formal appointment notifications were issued after the Act came into force, shall be protected. Such appointments will continue to be governed by the parent statutes and by the conditions of service as laid down in MBA (IV) and MBA (V), rather than by the truncated tenure and altered service conditions introduced by the Tribunal Reforms Act, 2021.”
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